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Thursday, January 24, 2019

Powerful institutions such as the mass media, the police and judiciary label social groups as deviants and/or criminals

Labelling is present in many aras of sociology, and offensive activity and aberration is no exception. It involves a label or categorisation being applied to soulfulness or to the tender meeting of which they belong, either rightfully or unlawfulfully, which washbowl have detrimental or positive effects. Various institutions label fond groups, some believe it is done predominantly by the law of nature, mass media and judicature system. By exploring aspects like moral junior-grade terrors, arrests, and laws passed by the judiciary, we will establish to what completion these institutions do label these social groups as deviates and/or whitlows.Labelling theory is a theoretical approach derived from symbolic interactionism, which looks at the consequences of having a particular social typing or label placed on an act, group or person. What the labelling theory alerts us to is the way in which the whole area of abomination is dependent upon social constructions of rea lity law creation, law enforcement and the identities of law ledgeman are all questionable. The media composes a key element of creating these social constructions.When considering reports of crime on television for exemplar, they are thought to help create or inform hatfuls perceptions of crime, and of which social groups are deviates and/or criminals. There is also a problem when defining criminal and deviant because it depends on the item-by-items profess perceptions, on that point is no ordinary definition. The relationship between the media and crime when concerning labelling theory is emphasized by a concept known as a moral panic. The idea of a moral panic can be defined as shock stir up by the media in reaction to a particular social group or issue.Sociologist Stan Cohen in his study of the mods and rockers first espouse the term. Since the media had a lack of new stories around that time, they caused these cardinal groups to be categorise as folk devils, meani ng that they were the subjects of the moral panic and seen as troublemakers. imputable to the extensive media coverage, young people were classified or labelled as either mods or rockers, and some internalised the label and were unfeignedly violent. Consequently, this helped to create the violent emboss that the mods and rockers were supposedly famous for.This confirmed the medias image that they were troublemakers to the public. Becker examined the possible effects upon the individual of being publicly labelled as deviant. It is a master status. The younkers were stigmatised and given up this label by the media as deviant troublemakers, so eventually occur to see themselves as being deviant their master status. All different qualities become unimportant, and they person is responded to solely in terms of their master status. If someone is labelled as criminal for example, this by and large overrides their status as parent, neighbour, protagonist etc. nd new(prenominal)s o nly respond in terms of the label. The jurisprudence may also target the youths on once this moral panic occurs, so the may change their behaviour to avert punishment or stigma.Discussion of the area concerning the polices role of applying these deviant labels to social groups is also an fire one. Since there are significantly higher(prenominal) rates of imprisonment of sicks than their balance wheel in the population, the issue is important when considering race. The Metropolitan police, for example, report that 37% of those halt were from ethnic minorities, where as they form 20% of Londons population.There are higher rates of stop and search among black and Asian youth than among dust coat youth. Arrest rates of alleged offenders were also significantly higher for those of Afro-Caribbean origins than whites. A study by Walker suggests that, although there may vigorous be police bias in stops and arrests, statistically the difference in arrest rates is so high that the only way this could inform the discrepancy in the figures would be to arrest black people more than or less at random and charge them falsely.Blom-Cooper and Drabble argued that black defendants are likely to be charged with more serious crimes than white defendants when the actual offences committed are similar. For example, black defendants are more likely than other groups to be remanded in custody. Stephen Lawrence is an example, of a black person being case- heavy(a)ened un moreoverly by the criminal justice system. Four white people were accused of his murder, but were not embed guilty. There was a cud of controversy surrounding the case, as the Metropolitan police were accused of meddling with the evidence so it was inadmissible in court.The question is, had it of been four black people murdering a white person would the case have had the uniform outcome? In reviewing this evidence, it seems that the treatment of black people in the criminal justice system is very unsatis i temory. It seems the police are labelling the blacks as deviant, concentrating policing in the inner city areas where the majority are. The judiciary system already has gestate ideas about blacks, and this affects the amount that are arrested, prosecuted and put on trial in the courts.Some would say that black youths have even developed their own subcultures, as a form of resistance to capitalism and blackball labelling. From a Marxist perspective, youth are the social group that are beneath the least control by the bourgeoisie. They do not pay taxes or have mortgages, like the working-class do. Since the youth then find it hard to legitimately achieve the high societal goals, they develop magical solutions via youth subculture. In the same way, blacks have found themselves marginalized from white society, and in answer have developed their own subculture resisting capitalism and often turning to crime.They are essentially driven underground by the labels the media and police ap ply. some other social group that the media and police can be seen to drive underground is the subculture of medicate-takers. This is a good example of how the police label this social group as deviant and a problem to society. In a study by Parker, he found that the drug-takers regarded their activity as being wholly innocent and consisting of just having fun. Another interesting aspect is that the drug-takers come from backgrounds that just do not fit in the medias stereotype of a deviant criminal.Parker discovered in his study that drug-takers are to the highest degreely middle-class, in full time work or come on or higher education. Furthermore, there is little if any violence and most clubbers were reported to feel completely safe. It is thought that the media and polices labelling of this social groups is a little extreme, and is resulting in the culture being driven further underground. Another lesson of this media labelling surrounds the case of the death of Leah Betts , when she died after taking an fanaticism tablet on her 18th birthday.The media claimed she was poisoned by the drug, called for tougher legislation and their was a lot of outrage stirred up by extensive media coverage. After various tests, it was then revealed that the chit she had taken was virtually pure and she had kidney failure from drinking too much(prenominal) water. It seems that sadly, the only person responsible for her death was herself, and the pill was perhaps just there at the wrong time. It was also revealed it was not the first tape transport pill she had taken.After the moral panic and the way the media amplified the situation, it turns out there is little supporting evidence for their claims. Perhaps this subculture is not as deviant as the media make out, even classifying drug-taking as a subculture is questionable since millions of ecstasy pills are sold each year and their use if widespread. A undercover survey of pupils behaviour in a representative samp le of 20 fee-paying schools showed 43 per cent of pupils in the lower sixth form (aged 16-17) reported experimenting with drugs and one in eight said they were regular users. Illegal drug taking is no longer limited to a disaffected and mutinous few. It is part of the culture of teenagers. They do not believe it is as parlous as we say it is.Even where they recognise the dangers, they are not deterred believe that most enjoyable activities involve some risks, the Headmasters and Headmistresses Conference (HMC) said. A 19-year-old who leftfield a private sixth form college last summer, and was previously at a fee-paying boarding school in London, talks about drugs and school. He says From the age of 14 upwards, about 50 per cent of us were ingest marijuana at lunchtime.And I cant think of anyone from my sixth form who hasnt tried drugs. There have been many other moral panics as well as drug takers that have le to the stigmatization of various groups by the media and police. On e such case that stigmatized young people was the murder of mob Bulger. Two 11-year-old boys in Liverpool from a shopping mall abducted James Bulger. He had massive injuries inflicted upon him, which resulted in his death and he was left on a railway line. The deviant act committed by the children dominated newspaper headlines and stirred up public outrage.The murder was portrayed by the media as a horrific act, which symbolized the degeneration of modern British society, despite the fact that statistically such murders were extremely rare and the UK, though not unique. When bloody shame Bell aged 11 years old murdered two toddlers in 1968 there was no such moral panic, and seemed to be largely ignored by the press. The media used the Bulger case to symbolise all that was wrong with Britain, they focused on the difference between innocence and evil and wherefore we as a society had allowed it happen, it suggested the increase of public indifference, lowering family value and incr easing isolation.It generated massive public guilt, and since predicted a breakdown of societal value and cohesion. There was a significant focus on child crime, as people searched for answers to this tragedy. The groups stigmatization was further fuelled by polices claims that teenaged crime was on the increase and young people were out of control, breaking the law imputable to insufficient penalties for their delinquency. This prompted demands for tighter controls, curfews for young people and stricter laws.However, other statistics showed that juvenile crime had then dropped, these were dismissed by the authorities because claiming the figures a misrepresentation and only appeared so due to a reduction in numbers in the juvenile population. There were also calls for stricter controls on violent films as it was reported by the media that the boys may have been influenced by the film Childs Play III though there is little evidence in place to support this argument.Overall, it see ms the police mass media and judiciary do label social groups as deviant and/or criminals. From the above examples, we can see cases where this happens with a resulting effect of estrange or categorizing a social group in a negative light. When the powerful institutions do seem to label, it does however largely depend on ones definition of criminal or deviant, but the powerful institutions can be seen to play a part in creating this definition.

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